The
Broadband Economy
By
Amanda Rogos
(October 26th)
WAVE
Issue #0147
The
debates on telecommunication regulation or deregulation have been fierce
both before and since the passage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996.
The evolution of circuit to packet switched data, merging data and voice
services and cable television with Internet services in addition to the
mergers between companies in all the aforementioned markets have only
further complicated this situation. Columbia Business School's Institute
for Tele-Information (CITI) was the latest forum for discussion on these
topics and the WAVE Report was present for the day of debate.
Unfortunately, there
was not much debate. The view, most often heard (at least in our offices)
of the CLEC (Competitive local exchange carrier) demise being a direct
result of ILEC (Incumbent local exchange carrier) discrimination, was
strangely absent. There was evidence of a similar argument in several
papers on the CITI Web site (written by James Glassman and William Lehr)
but neither individual was present at the conference.
The day was one-sided
- focusing on the view that there has not been enough deregulation. Yet,
the arguments presented were intriguing and by the end of the day, we
were wondering what was wrong with deregulating some of the ILEC market?
Why shouldn't incumbents be allowed to invest in their infrastructure
without sharing it? And why was asymmetrical regulation (regulating DSL
but not cable broadband) deemed a fair play by the FCC (Federal Communications
Commission)? After a weekend of further study, the arguments towards decreasing
the ILECs regulatory burden seemed weaker than when advocated at the conference.
However, we found that the conference presented an interesting view of
the telecommunications world and therefore more than merit this article.
The theme of the conference
was the condemnation of asymmetrical regulation (and subsequently the
FCC). The Telecommunications Act of 1996 identified the Bell companies
as monopolies and therefore regulated them such that they must follow
basic rules forcing them to unbundle certain elements of their network
to competitors, setting the wholesale rates they can charge, restricting
their services between LATA (local access and transport area) and restricting
entry into long distance. Cable on the other hand, has been put under
less restriction (until the recent open cable push) and is therefore,
according to the participants, allowed to have free reign in the market.
The theory is that this environment has lead to a 70% market share for
cable in the broadband market, compared to DSL's 30%.
The root cause of
this distortion can be related to investment in infrastructure and facilities.
The Bell network was faced with a situation in which their large investments
in fiber, broadband routers and switching fabric, would benefit their
competitors as well. Because broadband was a risk and not a guaranteed
success, the Bells were reluctant to accept all the risk and then share
their profits with companies that had not made the same type of investments,
but shared in theirs. Essentially, as Economist Alfred Kahn put it, the
regulations basically mandate that, "If you [Bells] are successful, you
have to share. If you aren't you eat your investment."
John Thorne, Senior
VP and Deputy General Counsel at Verizon, compared the DSL market with
wireless as an example of its potential for unregulated growth. Initially,
the use of wireless technology was regulated by the FCC. When the FCC
granted regulatory parity to all carries and removed interLATA restrictions
on Bell companies, wireless services began to have explosive growth with
SMR (Nextel) becoming the first successful application. Thorne believes
that given the chance to invest without regulation, DSL would have similar
growth and success - benefiting the Bells, but also consumers as well.
Jerry Hausman, from
MIT's Department of Economics took a slightly different tack, although
still blaming the FCC, and said that the Commission was guilty for not
only their asymmetrical regulation but for their implementation of those
policies. According to Hausman, facilities-based competition is the only
real competition. Therefore, when the FCC set pricing for UNEs (Unbundled
network elements) and encouraged network sharing, it was not competition
- it was sharing. Instead, when the FCC set these rates, using a system
called TELRIC, they should have been set higher (higher than retail pricing
as opposed to under) as an incentive for CLECs to build out their own
infrastructure. Hausman believes that because the CLECs depended entirely
on the ILECs for their livelihood, there was no future in their business
- and that was their downfall.
For example, in Korea,
where broadband deployment is completely unregulated the connections per
100 inhabitants are four times as high as the US, with 4.32 million broadband
connections (9.2 per 100 inhabitants - November 2000). Canada falls into
second place with a 4.5% penetration. The US has a 2.2% penetration per
100 inhabitants. As another example, Korea has three ADSL providers Korea
Telecom (the incumbent) and Hanaro Telecom (the startup competitor) are
the two largest with 46.8% and 24.8% of the market respectively. There
are no unbundling, pricing or network sharing regulations in Korea and
Hanaro uses its own fiber network. Hausman compared these figures with
the US broadband market in which ILECs (DSL) have 24.6% of the broadband
connections and CLECs (DSL) have only 4.5% (cable modems have 70%).
When some brave soul
in the audience suggested that without CLECs competition would cease to
exist in the DSL market, the panel voiced their opinion that there is
no need for competition within DSL. Instead the entire broadband market
should be considered, i.e. competition between cable, DSL, wireless and
satellite should be sufficient to satisfy competition standards. The FCC,
which received varying amounts of negative attention within each panel,
due to their competitive posture vis-à-vis its regulation, instead merely
counts players, not actual competition, as if to say, "See, competition
is alive, we have 9 players in the DSL market."
The talk turned briefly
to cable, which although not regulated per se, has not been completely
untouched by these policies either. Operators currently offer only a small
channel for broadband and use most of their bandwidth for television -
even to the extent that they are showing small channels like the 2nd golf
channel and 4th football channel. This, according to participants, was
due to the fear, that if a large broadband investment was made, they too,
could be party to the same type of unbundling and regulatory structure.
This may be happening with the push for Open Cable and most operators,
excluding AT&T, are not happy with the entrance of this debate. Satellite
may be in for some regulation as well - especially due to the pending
acquisition of DirecTV by EchoStar, which was recently announced.
Now, there are certainly
counterpoints to all the aforementioned debates, most of which we have
covered in previous WAVE Issues. For instance, one could argue that if
the Bells would agree to separate their retail and wholesale operations,
they would have a lot more freedom to invest as they chose. In essence,
regulation has attempted to help them unburden themselves from the risk
of which they complain. Plus, if this is a competitive market, and the
incumbents have a monopoly position, don't they have the upper hand? Why
have they fought the DCLECs so hard, instead of using their business as
an added revenue stream?
On the CLEC side,
perhaps it is true that they had an incentive (initially) to co-locate
instead of build their own facilities. But when the ILECs began to stall
the co-location efforts, wouldn't that be incentive enough for the CLECs
to construct their own networks? Actually, build-outs were started by
Covad, Level3 and IXC but instead of instant facilities success, they
have been rewarded by falling investment from funding partners, ILEC anticompetitive
price decreases and in the end, bankruptcy. Certainly not the result that
was hypothesized above.
Were CLECs to become
truly facilities based and compete with the ILECs they would have had
to implement a much smaller footprint - that is, smaller geographic coverage.
They would have no option but to carefully pick the areas where broadband
would have had a very high attach rate in order to have a chance of paying
back the investment. In fact, one company had this strategy in the cable
side, (RCN) and they are having problems like all the others. So in our
minds, the CLECs were really in a no-win situation.
The telecommunications
market and its regulatory structure are indeed a difficult tangle of issues.
CITI's conference was an excellent forum for a discussion that was unusual
in its bias. It presented a very different picture than is usually seen
in Washington, where competitors and consumer advocates have been committed
to fight the ILECs and any effort to deregulate them, almost to the death.
This dichotomy of conclusions, which does not often surface in Washington
or in the Trade Press made for an interesting set of debates. Bravo Columbia!
The next WAVE Issue
will present another viewpoint, this one from Ken Zita of Network Dynamics
Associates, asserting that the broadband revolution is already upon us,
with business-based broadband. Zita believes that too much emphasis has
been put on consumer broadband, an interesting theory indeed.
http://www.citi.columbia.edu/
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